2nd and final survey of Gujarat Elections. ( Part 4) - Maturity of the Indian voter.
2nd
and final survey of Gujarat Elections. ( Part 4)
Maturity
of the Indian voter.
The
Bharatiya Janata Party’s historic victory in India’s 2014 general election was
a watershed in the behavior of the Indian voter. Now after 3 years, the reality
is more nuanced.
On some
parameters, like voting based on economic and ethnic considerations, there were
discernible changes. However, the evidence from earlier election results suggests
these shifts were well under way before 2014.
The
voter behavior started to change after 2012 – I dare say, after Modi’s 3
consecutive victory in Gujarat. For the first time after losing power in 2004,
the BJP discovered a leader whose popularity transcended outside his state and
spread Pan India.
For the
voter, fed up with 15 years of coalitions in the country and sometimes in
states, they found a credible leader whom they could repose their faith into.
Modi
was the new hero across the country, who caught the imagination of everyone.
The Modi mania also gave rise to a new class – the educated middle class – and created
a solid vote bank for the BJP.
Since
then, the voters started giving absolute power to the party they thought was
the best to govern in their respective areas. Since 2013, they gave BJP a
whopping mandate in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chattisgarh.
Later
in the general elctions in 2014, they gave BJP an absolute majority in
LokSabha. The voter maturity was underlined by their vote for AAP in Delhi and
RJD – JDU in Bihar and last year in Punjab for the Congress - where they
decimated the BJP and others.
They
opted for BJP in a huge manner in UP.
In
other areas—namely, support for regional parties, dynastic politicians, and
candidates with criminal activity—the voters have demonstrated much greater
continuity with the past.
·
Good economics can make for good politics in India. While
parochial considerations have been playing a central role in shaping voters’
choices, evidence from state and national elections suggests that macroeconomic
realities are becoming increasingly relevant.
·
There has been regional parties’ losing their influence in
Indian politics and a surprising degree of stability in the balance of power
between national and regional parties.
·
Dynastic politics may not be popular, but dynastic politicians
are. At least one in five members of parliament elected in 2014 came from a
political family.
·
Indian voters have a long history of electing politicians who
are the subject of ongoing criminal cases and the same is continuing.
·
When voters cast their vote, they do not necessarily vote their
caste. Social biases remain entrenched in India, but the
transmission of those biases into the political domain is imperfect and may be
weakening.
·
While the regional-national balance of power
is steady, there has been an upheaval among national parties. For
now, the BJP has replaced the foundering Congress as the pole around which
political competition is organized.
·
Politicians who seek to gain strength using
identity-based appeals alone, have generally not fared well. While voters may harbor
deep-seated social biases, identity-based concerns and economic evaluations are
preferred. The most successful politicians have mastered the art of
skillfully combining both types of appeals.
·
The composition of the candidates does not
appear to be improving, despite an increase in the absolute number of parties
contesting elections. Voters have more choice than ever before, yet
there is little qualitative change in the nature of the candidates themselves.
Vis a vis the Gujarat elections, after our 2
surveys, I will analyse what has changed on the ground in the one month gap in
the two surveys:
1. Hardik
Patel who was vociferous in supporting Congress and severe on BJP, has taken a
different stand now. He is not canvassing along with Rahul and both do not
address meetings jointly. It has become clear for him that Rahul is on a losing
wicket and may meet the fate of Akhilesh Yadav in UP if he jointly addresses meetings.
Hence he is not allowing Rahul to join him in his meetings or does he join him
in his meetings. He only gives a vile request to Patidars to vote Congress.
2. All the
bought out media is giving undue importance projecting the crowd as the
indicator, not the poll surveys. This clearly shows that they somehow want to
show Rahul as leading which is not the case. They are not referring to poll
surveys since it will come in the way of their line of thoughts.
3. The
media is not showing Amit Shah’s meetings or that of any BJP leaders meetings,
for the fear these crowds are equally big or bigger and active too. Then the
cat will be out of the bag.
4. Rahul’s
criticism of demonetization, GST, hug diplomacy , Hafiz Saeed release, etc.,
have back fired on him. He does not have any issues except probably
reservation. He is hanging on to it, though Patidars as a community do not
trust him.
5. Many of
the PAAS leaders have joined BJP, making it clear that Hardik is on the wane.
The CDs involving Hardik in five star hotel and the sex tapes have distanced
many among his community from him. His waning popularity, his support to
Congress whom the people hate in Gujarat, are amply making it obvious that
Congress is not even close. The massive victory of the scale that is being
experienced in UP may be repeated for BJP in Gujarat.
6.
And
finally, after conducting a much disciplined campaign for most of the time,
Rahul has slipped badly in the last lap. His claims of being a Janeudhari
Brahmin and a devout Shiv Bhakt have not only made him a laughing stock, as
nobody believes him, but brought the entire campaign back to where the BJP
wanted it – the Hindutva agenda.
7. The
media hype of Congress is more a figment of imagination than real. As the
election approaches near, Modi’s stock is increasing and Rahul relegating to
the background. The picture is getting clear and BJP is expected to win with a
huge margin.
8. Read
the actual calculation about the seats in the final Part 5 .
End of
Part 4.
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